There is little doubt that, even among veteran China watchers, what is going on now on economic and FX policy does not make a huge amount of sense – best reflected by Emerging Market Advisors’ Jonathan Anderson’s note titeld “The Renminbi – It’s Amateur Hour!”. One of the simplest explanations: that decisions are being made by a very small group at the top – mainly by Xi himself – that don’t have the same international sensitivities that others have traditionally had, such as PBOC Governor Zhou.
I had hoped to do a longer blog on China back in August but instead stuck to listing some basic facts that we know and don’t about China. What’s remarkable about the list is how little of it has changed, but some of the unknowns have become a bit clearer.
- The labor market appears to be is doing fine, as is services activity
- Capital outflows are impacting Treasuries but more via swap spreads than noticeably higher nominal yields (yields higher vs swap rates)
- Capital outflows remain substantial and go beyond Chinese corps paying down FX debt: the valuation-adjusted $125 bln drop in FX reserves in Dec certainly suggests so, though we need to see the FX transactions data
- Clearly there’s a *certain* consensus on allowing more CNY depreciation, though who’s making the final decision is very unclear – plenty of politics at play that go beyond the PBOC/SAFE

What about how policy decisions are being made? That is very unclear. And it’s still worth keeping the political backdrop in mind when looking at what’s going on. The corruption crackdown is the paramount achievement of Xi that has touched many facets of society – an attempt to restore the CCP’s credibility with the public that now seems to have morphed into its own inquisition – that is leading to the ongoing capital outflows. Yes, a depreciating CNY is certainly a factor, but the political factors are huge. Some of the below is largely a recap of recent events, so feel free to skip ahead.
The Xi/Li administration has its hands in many pies in ways that didn’t seem to happen with Hu/Wen. Under Hu/Wen, China’s financial/economic reform followed a relatively slow, deliberate path, and Hu largely deferred to Wen and the technocrats. That path began with the 2005 de-pegging of CNY from the USD (though not really a de-pegging then, just the start of a long process that led to ever-more freer trade onshore, the launch of the parallel CNH offshore market and up to today’s new post-SDR inclusion environment). Arguably, the pace of reform was too slow, so the bigger problems kept building: not just the well-aired ones of excess capacity and debt, but the lack of domestic financial development and restrictions on bank deposit rates led to overheated property markets and money seeking avenues of return in shadowy corners. This all then turned into something of a bonfire with the misguided mega-stimulus of early 2009 whose after-effects and excesses led fairly directly to the corruption crackdown and Xi’s consolidation of power, which have to be viewed as one and the same. One only needs to look at the 25% yr/yr drop in the gambling-revenue dependent GDP of Macau – formerly a prime gambling/shopping/offshoring getaway – to see both the broad and narrow impact from the corruption crackdown (experiencing that heady Macau heyday from 2009-11 was good fun – even just stepping back to look across the vast main Venetian trading floor that stretched for what felt like 9 football fields/pitches).
The PBOC’s response to the economic problem has been fairly standard – cutting rates (which matter less given China’s less developed markets and lack of rate sensitivity) and cutting bank reserve requirements (RRR) to unlock liquidity sterilized in reserves for lending. But much else that has happened in Chinese policy over the past two years has been increasingly erratic and seat-of-the-pants.
The first big problem was deliberately inflating a mega stock market bubble and thinking that its undoing could be controlled. In full disclosure, I was among the naive to think officials could use tools at their disposal to do so. China has always kept relative control over ALL its markets, and fairly successfully before most of the world ever cared, and I’m sure officials felt confident that this time was no different. But clearly this market bubble was of a whole different beast than previous ones: the proliferation of margin accounts and retail participation (always the main driver of China’s equity markets given the fledgling nature of its institutional investor base) helped drive the combined Shanghai and Shenzhen market cap to nearly $12 trillion during the June 2015 peak, triple what it was a year earlier. Even after the volatility and this week’s sell-off, it remains $7 trillion.

Then came bungled response to the sell-off by CSRC and cultivation of the idea that the National Team could save the day. This was probably the best reflection of how China’s securities regulators/bureaucrats thought they could control the sell-off. But, alas, it struggled and faced withering criticism at home and abroad. (”Whenever the CSRC says it is going to protect us, I know there is going to be market turmoil,” said one elderly Beijing day trader just this week to the FT). Not only did it struggle, but it also dragged the PBOC and others into the effort. This was particularly odd: there’s really no need for the central bank to get directly involved in cleaning up the mess of the inflated stock market bursting. Which suggests that the leaders at the top wanted everyone to do their part in the National Team.
The second big problem was the surprise August mini-devaluation and adjustment to the PBOC’s daily USD/CNY fixing for onshore trade that came out of the blue. Chinese equity markets had only just started to settle down when this shock reverberated around the world and, given the total lack of transparency, prompted many to assume the worst about the state of the Chinese economy. Ironically, it came at a time when the economy was showing signs of picking up some steam. To the PBOC’s credit, it was quick to host press conferences and post statements in English on its web site - a rarity for the secretive institution that still makes monetary policy changes by surprise (partly because the entire Chinese government operates that way to be inline with the State Council). And in fairness, it looks like much of what happened in August was a shift in the USD/CNY fix tied to technical suggestions the IMF had made for SDR inclusion to work more smoothly. Still, the timing and poor communication only made things worse and caused fears about China to remain elevated for several more weeks before eventually settling down. As we noted on FX Buzz at the time, the many U-turns showed Chinese policymaking had become more erratic and was likely to stay that way.
After the initial move, the PBOC was quick to reassert control, even intervening in size in the USD/CNH for probably the first time beyond USD/CNY to bring some calm. Capital outflows subsided to about $30-50 billion in October after a record $150-200 billion in September. USD/CNY was guided lower all through October. The IMF’s board then on Nov. 1 announced RMB would be included as part of SDR as of October 2016. Yay! It was an important victory for China’s market reformists because the SDR stamp of approval would seemingly lock China into a path of capital account opening up given that it is being allowed to join such an elite global club while still having such stringent capital controls, some of which have been suspended for other central banks and sovereign funds for SDR purposes.
Then the USD/CNY fix started to rise steadily all through November. Fine, the new fix was supposed to be more market-determined rather than being at the whim of the PBOC, and if that’s on the weaker side for CNY, so be it. But then the decline accelerated in December for no discernible reason, just as USD itself was actually steadying against major FX following the EUR short-squeeze after the ECB, right into the announcement by CFETS (China’s FX and money market exchange) that the focus would be on a RMB trade-weighted basket of its own design rather than USD/CNY alone. That was fine too: it was pretty clear since August that it was being managed more as a TWI. Viewed that way, this wasn’t really a devaluation or the start of something more sinister (currency wars blah blah). CNY depreciation mostly stopped going into 2016 except for a further, small late-December drop.

Then the sudden, sharp CNY depreciation of the past week that really doesn’t make any economic sense, except that someone somewhere wanted to give it a little extra shove lower on hopes it would help the economy in some vague way and got the approval to do so, whatever the PBOC thought. As Anderson said, the CNY drop is “not nearly big enough to yield any positive economic impact but still big enough (and, equally important, opaque enough) to destabilise markets.” Hence it only added fuel to the messy stock market sell-off on the first trading day of the year, itself exacerbated by the ridiculous circuit breakers that were jettisoned just a few days later.
How to explain it? Well, let’s go back to Xi. As the Wall Street Journal’s Andy Browne (formerly at Reuters and a longtime China hand):
Part of the problem, it seems, is a policy-making bottleneck. Mr. Xi has reversed a collective-type leadership process inherited from Mr. Deng and concentrated decision-making authority in his own hands. But he’s thinly stretched. On his plate already: reorganizing the armed forces, leading the charge against endemic corruption (while defining a new Confucian-style morality to chasten his bureaucracy,) confronting America in the South China Sea and worrying about Taiwan elections coming up next week.He personally chairs all the committees and commissions directly responsible for these areas.
Naturally, he also commands the economy. His platform is the “Leading Group for Overall Reform,” which he set up and chairs. Traditionally, the “Central Finance and Economy Leading Group” has coordinated financial and economic issues; it has now been eclipsed by Mr. Xi’s outfit.
As a consequence, Premier Li Keqiang’s job has shrunk. His immediate predecessors ran the economy; he doesn’t enjoy the same autonomy. If things go seriously wrong, though, he might end up as a convenient scapegoat. Other highly competent economic leaders look less like decision makers and more like cheerleaders for policy concocted above their heads.
It’s probably worth pointing out here that back in April 2015 Li gave a rare interview to the FT in Beijing in which he didn’t rule out CNY depreciation but said:
We don’t want to see further devaluation of the Chinese currency because we can’t rely on devaluing our currency to boost exports…We don’t want to see a scenario in which major economies trip over each other to devalue their currencies. That would lead to a currency war. And if China feels compelled to devalue the renminbi in this process we don’t think this will be something good for the international financial system.
Perhaps not quite in the loop of policy thinking. Then take a look at the almost carbon copy Reuters stories from two days ago on PBOC facing internal pressure for a weaker CNY and one from August just days after the mini-deval, both referencing calls from the hitherto weak Commerce Ministry. Clearly there’s a cacophony of voices getting a say and sometimes swaying decisions that almost seem to contradict previous signals or decisions. It would be one thing if there was some element of communication around these various decisions or even consistency to them. But often there’s nothing but the market itself. So we’re left guessing with each 9:15 am Beijing/Shanghai USD/CNY fix what’s going on. This week that fix took on almost comical global importance. Sadly, it may continue to do so.
Browne’s comment about the cheerleading is an important one, which is why the National Team moniker is so apt. As anyone working in a big corporation is very familiar with, sometimes absurd and contradictory decisions are being implemented almost precisely because no dissenting voice can rise up to question them. It’s a system where already centralized power is even more concentrated at the top. So the haphazard decisions are happening with greater frequency, giving the appearance of a Keystone Cops approach to economic/markets/reform policy that China never really had before when it used to be a “feeling the stones to cross the river” approach.
China still appears to want to open up. Plans for greater convertibility are still being aired, and the Shanghai Free Trade Zone looks to be a prime spot for that to happen in limited ways. But it is ironic to see what had been China’s big 2014/15 market opening up drowned out in the absurdity of this drama: the Hong Kong-Shanghai Connect of share trading that was launched just as the stock bubble deterred many international investors from taking part in the mainland markets. Restoring that credibility is going to be a pretty arduous process (hello MSCI).
In the meantime, the reserve decline from capital outflows may threaten some of the very underpinning of monetary policy: a tricky balance between sterilizing reserves and using that liquidity to balance interbank needs and help serve the economy. The Swiss cheese-like capital account and now onshore demand for dollars is putting pressure on FX reserves that make one think that this big insurance policy on future capital opening up may not be enough. January’s USD/CNY surge is almost certain to add to the outlook and reserve pressure. At $3.3 trillion (down $700 billion from the highs) China has scope still to manage the transition. But assuming (huge guesstimation here) $1.5 trillion of reserves are already tied up in other ways (SWF or other asset/old NPL support), suddenly $1.8 trillion of reserves doesn’t sound like a lot in an economy still capable of seeing $150 billion or so of outflows in a given month and accounting for the usual import coverage needs. The still-large current account surplus should help and certainly suggests CNY shouldn’t weaken substantially on a fundamental basis. Nonetheless, if USD demand really picks up onshore at the same time as outflows remain large, this could start to look like something one would expect from Latin America. I’ve always been a relative China optimist bordering on apologist, but this gross mishandling of policy threatens bigger repercussions that may be hard to bottle up.
Xi’s concentration of power and modern-day nationalism has worked so far. He has also staked himself to further economic growth and prosperity, which remains the CCP’s ultimate success and claim to legitimacy. The economy may not be the ultimate problem here. But the obviously bad decisions and ham-handed policy meddling are starting to threaten that credibility in ways that may spill into other policy areas.



















